263 research outputs found

    Neighborhood change from the bottom Up: What are the determinants of social distance between new and prior residents?

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    An important source of neighborhood change occurs when there is a turnover in the housing unit due to residential mobility and the new residents differ from the prior residents based on socio-demographic characteristics (what we term social distance). Nonetheless, research has typically not asked which characteristics explain transitions with higher social distance based on a number of demographic dimensions. We explore this question using American Housing Survey data from 1985 to 2007, and focus on instances in which the prior household moved out and is replaced by a new household. We focus on four key characteristics for explaining this social distance: the type of housing unit, the age of the housing unit, the length of residence of the exiting household, and the crime and social disorder in the neighborhood. We find that transitions in the oldest housing units and for the longest tenured residents result in the greatest amount of social distance between new and prior residents, implying that these transitions are particularly important for fostering neighborhood socio-demographic change. The results imply micro-mechanisms at the household level that might help explain net change at the neighborhood level

    Social distance and social change: how neighborhoods change over time

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    Two key theoretical themes guided my exploration of neighborhood change. First, I utilized the classic sociological notion of social distance in testing its determinants and viewing its effect on neighborhood change over time. I measured social distance in various manners: 1) racial/ethnic differences, 2) a composite of several characteristics (including racial/ethnic, socio-economic, and demographic), or 3) the consolidated inequality created by difference along both racial/ethnic and socio-economic differences simultaneously. Second, I built an explicit micro-level theory of household residential mobility decisions to explain the generation of the structural characteristics that theories posit cause neighborhood crime. I found that social distance had important implications for neighborhoods. Using a multi-level, longitudinal sample of the American Housing Survey (AHS) I found that individual-level social distance along multiple characteristics helps explain neighborhood satisfaction: this suggests the importance of focusing on the fit of the household with the neighborhood. Dynamic analyses using this same sample showed that racial/ethnic heterogeneity explains crime rates four years later. Fixed effects analyses using a sample of census tracts in eleven cities found that changing ethnic heterogeneity over the decade is positively related to changing crime rates. These same fixed effects analyses showed that increasing inequality between African-Americans and whites is positively related to the change in various official crime rates. My theoretical model helped explain the change in neighborhood structural characteristics. Using the AHS sample, I found that perceived crime in a block increases general residential mobility. This theoretical model also predicted and found that the presence of more homeowners on a block reduces perceived crime four years later in dynamic models. While residential instability had no effect on crime four years later in cross-lagged models, more vacant units in the block are positively related to perceived crime four years later. This suggests a possible manner in which residential mobility may affect neighborhood crime rates. I also found using the AHS sample that higher levels of block perceived crime creates racial/ethnic residential transformation by increasing the likelihood that African-Americans and Latinos will move into the block, and reducing the likelihood that whites will move in

    Social Capital, Too Much of a Good Thing? American Religious Traditions and Community Crime

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    Using American religious traditions as measures of bonding and bridging social capital in communities, we empirically test how these different forms of social capital affect crime rates in 3,157 U.S. counties in 2000. Our results suggest that the bonding networks evangelical Protestants promote in communities explain why counties with a greater percentage of residents affiliated with this tradition consistently have higher crime rates. Conversely, our results suggest that the bridging networks mainline Protestants and Catholics foster in communities explain why counties with a greater percentage of residents affiliated with these traditions generally have lower crime rates. This article provides empirical corroboration for recent theoretical discussions that focus on how the social capital groups cultivate in communities need not always benefit communities as a whole

    Spatial Heterogeneity Can Lead to Substantial Local Variations in COVID-19 Timing and Severity

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    Standard epidemiological models for COVID-19 employ variants of compartment (SIR) models at local scales, implicitly assuming spatially uniform local mixing. Here, we examine the effect of employing more geographically detailed diffusion models based on known spatial features of interpersonal networks, most particularly the presence of a long-tailed but monotone decline in the probability of interaction with distance, on disease diffusion. Based on simulations of unrestricted COVID-19 diffusion in 19 U.S cities, we conclude that heterogeneity in population distribution can have large impacts on local pandemic timing and severity, even when aggregate behavior at larger scales mirrors a classic SIR-like pattern. Impacts observed include severe local outbreaks with long lag time relative to the aggregate infection curve, and the presence of numerous areas whose disease trajectories correlate poorly with those of neighboring areas. A simple catchment model for hospital demand illustrates potential implications for health care utilization, with substantial disparities in the timing and extremity of impacts even without distancing interventions. Likewise, analysis of social exposure to others who are morbid or deceased shows considerable variation in how the epidemic can appear to individuals on the ground, potentially affecting risk assessment and compliance with mitigation measures. These results demonstrate the potential for spatial network structure to generate highly non-uniform diffusion behavior even at the scale of cities, and suggest the importance of incorporating such structure when designing models to inform healthcare planning, predict community outcomes, or identify potential disparities
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